The Rise of the Tri-State World Order, from the Second World War to 1984 In 1939, the year before the dawn of the Second World War, the Third Reich and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, both eagerly signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in Moscow, its name coming from the German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and Soviet Foreign Commissar Vyacheslav Molotov. The plan detailed the invasion of the Second Polish Republic under President Ignacy Moscicki, a country under the desires of both countries. The two had Poland surrounded. As it became clear to the international community, the two powers were preparing for an inevitable invasion, an invasion the United Kingdom and France were not willing to permit happen under their watch. The First World War had forever destroyed the old world order, and the empires of Western Europe worked to ensure their place in the sun would continue for as long as possible. The three nations met before the invasion, and signed a pact promising Poland assistance if it were invaded. However, one of the British delegates insisted on a secret clause that would not be revealed to the public, but known to the government: one that mandated help against Germany but not the Soviet Union. President Moscicki’s government strongly opposed such a clause, and, citing a 1921 agreement with the French, reminded them of their commitment to Polish independence. Britain eventually backed down on this clause. The Invasion of Poland A week after the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, the Third Reich and the Soviet Union invaded Poland from the East and West, respectively. Hitler and Stalin were confident in their perceptions that Britain and France would not intervene, and for a few crucial weeks they were right. The Germans overwhelmed the western part of the country, forcing a Polish shift eastward. The Soviet forces succeeded in destroying the Polish eastern defenses, and by the end of September, Poland ceased to exist as an independent nation. During this war, France and Britain declared war on both Germany and the Soviet Union, but were unable to provide any significant aid. However, the Polish government in exile succeeded in evacuating to Angers, France, and committed to liberating their homeland. Britain and France were determined to keep their promises and defeat the menaces coming from the east. The Axis forces in Poland were quick to celebrate their victory, culminating in a joint military parade in Warsaw. The Polish themselves were given no say in their treatment, and the country was abused like no other in history. Citizens of Poland were murdered in the streets, their possessions looted, their homes ransacked. It is estimated 95,000 Poles died in the invasion, a body count, while horrifying in itself, would be eclipsed by the wider war that would ensue. 1939-1940: The Continental War In November 1939, an anxious France and Britain were busy fortifying the area of Alsace-Lorraine in northeastern France. It was clear that an invasion of the area would take place soon, as it was one of Hitler’s goals to retake the area ceded to France after the Treaty of Versailles. However, a prelude to the invasion of France was taking place to the north, in freezing Finland. That month, Soviet forces invaded Finland in an attempt to regain the territory lost by the Russian Empire after the Great War, namely the entire country, and to ensure one of their largest cities, Leningrad, was safe from enemy attack. The Soviets, taking cues from the Germans, launched a blitzkrieg-style invasion through the country, making a mad dash for Helsinki to decapitate the Finnish State. However, a treaty negotiated between Finland and Sweden to defend the Aland Islands in the Baltic Sea had taken effect in October, to ward off potential German and Soviet aggression. Swedish forces made themselves available to the supreme commander of the Finnish armies, Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim, and positioned themselves around Helsinki. On November 13th, 1939, Soviet forces under the command of Kirill Meretskov came into line of sight of the Finnish capital and began to lay siege. Finnish independence seemed dire at this point, but the British and French, eager to help what they saw as a fight against an entity whose values were antithetical to their own. As Sweden had already entered the war on Finland’s behalf, such a country was considered an ally. As such, the British and French believed landing troops at Narvik, a city in neutral Norway, would be taken in good faith by the Norwegian government. This was not the case. The Norwegian government, under Prime Minister Johan Nygaardsvold, objected to the Franco-British force landing in Narvik. These objections took the form of a battalion of Norwegian troops at the port which immediately began firing on the Allied force as it arrived. The British and French destroyed the Norwegian force and moved into the Swedish city of Kiruna, with plans to move into the Finnish city of Rovaniemi to aid against the Soviet Union. Prime Minister Nygaardsvold appealed to the German and Soviet governments to aid Norway against the British and French, widely seen as aggressors in the country. To solidify Nygaardsvold’s proposal, Hitler called a conference of Axis and Axis-aligned leaders in Stuttgart, Germany, to sign a defensive pact to counter what they perceived as British and French aggression. Ultimately, Prime Minister Benito Mussolini of Italy, Premier Joseph Stalin of the Soviet Union, Caudillo Francisco Franco of Spain, Prime Minister Antonio Oliveira Salazar of Portugal, and Nygaardsvold. Salazar, previously a neutral dictator, had leaned decidedly in the favor of the Axis, and as such agreed to attend. Under Hitler’s proposal, the agreement at Stuttgart would be an extension of the Pact of Steel signed between Germany and Italy in May of 1939. Seeing as the pact’s countries spread from Iberia from the west to the Pacific in the East, Stalin proposed that the pact be known as the Eurasian Treaty of Defense and Cooperation. The leaders of the various nations agreed. On New Year’s Day, 1940, Germany sent a force into Denmark, forcing the government in Copenhagen to submit to Nazi dominance. Danish Prime Minister Thorvald Stauning was forcibly made to cooperate, doing so out of hope of safeguarding Danish democracy. The Stauning government obeyed German orders to ban the Danish Communist Party and pro-Communist speech, and allowed the Wehrmacht and Kriegsmarine access to the port at Copenhagen. The invasion of Denmark was only a stepping stone for German assistance to Norway against the British and French, now occupying Narvik to ensure a safe route into Sweden and Finland. A German division of the Wehrmacht under the command of General Leonhard Kaupisch was shipped from Copenhagen to Oslo and sent north, in cooperation with Norwegian forces, to retake Narvik and deny the British and French the necessary route to fight the Soviet Union. In January 1940, the first British and French forces under Field Marshal Harold Alexander arrived in Helsinki, holding strong despite the constant battery by the Red Army. General Meretskov, the commander of the Soviet forces in the area, had special orders from Stalin to take the city by 1940, and that engaging British and French forces was absolutely necessary if they intervened. Meretskov took heed and ordered saboteurs to frustrate the Allied advance. This succeeded only moderately, damaging some vehicles but causing no deaths except one crash in Helsinki proper, with a death toll of three. The arrival of the Allies in Helsinki reduced the disparity in numbers between the Finnish forces under Mannerheim and the Red Army, but the Finnish were still vastly outnumbered. To counter the better-trained Allied forces now stationed in Helsinki, Stalin ordered Field Marshal Georgy Zhukov to bring his more elite forces to aid in the final capture of the Finnish capital. When Zhukov arrived, he ordered the creation of the improvised incendiary device, previously manufactured by only Finnish partisans, known as a “Molotov Cocktail,” after the Soviet foreign minister, notorious for the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact. Soviet soldiers in Finland were also trained to manufacture these devices on demand to counter surprise attacks from Finnish partisans and the Allied armies. Using guerilla tactics in imitation of Finnish partisan groups, Soviet troops used the Molotov cocktail, called the ‘Helsinki Cocktail’ by the Soviets themselves, to ambush Allied convoys. A small brigade was dispatched by Zhukov to the areas northwest of Helsinki to further heckle the Allied advancements. In March of 1940, the Germans and Norwegians succeeded in holding Narvik against several Allied attacks, cutting off the British and French forces in Kiruna from much needed reinforcements, meaning the Soviets only had to play a waiting game to eliminate the Allied forces in Sweden. Sure enough, the Soviet capture of Helsinki in May 1940 occurred after half the city was burned by Soviet and Finnish Molotov cocktails applied liberally. The Finnish government capitulated and surrendered on the 27th of that month, and the Finnish Soviet Socialist Republic, under the premiership of Finnish Communist leader and Soviet sympathizer Arvo Tuominen, was admitted to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Finland as an independent nation was no more. A Sami Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was also established in the northern part of the Republic. German and Norwegian forces, in conjunction with the Soviet capture of Helsinki, succeeded in securing Narvik by the end of May, accomplishing a pressing Axis goal: the cutting off of the Allied forces in Kiruna from aid from their home countries. Sweden, now isolated, began to seriously question its interest in being in a war in which it was surrounded by hostile territory and in the beginning of June of 1940, sent ambassadors to Oslo, Berlin, and Moscow asking for recognition of Swedish neutrality in exchange for Swedish recognition of the Soviet claim in Finland. A minor conference of Axis leaders in Copenhagen accepted, and Sweden withdrew from the war. As victory parades rang through the streets of Oslo and Helsinki, Stalin and Hitler were beginning the transfer of Soviet and German troops from Finland, Norway, and Denmark into the Saarland region of Germany. Norwegian, Danish, and Polish troops loyal to the new government also gathered in the region. Simultaneously, Benito Mussolini ordered the positioning of the Italian military, battle-hardened from Ethiopia, into the Italian region of Piedmont, basing them in the city of Turin. Caudillo Francisco Franco of Spain also ordered Spanish forces, with a sizable Portuguese contingent attached to them, in Catalonia and Aragon near the Pyrenees. On June 3rd, 1940, the Axis began the invasion of France. The Italians, Portuguese, and Spanish attacked first in an attempt to draw the French forces from the north of the country. The troops from Iberia ransacked Perpignan and captured Toulouse, while the Italians seized Nice and then Avignon. The French government under Prime Minister Paul Reynaud and President Albert Francois Lebrun ordered a majority of their forces to the south, assuming that the Germans and Soviets were still occupied in Scandinavia and Poland. This was an assumption that would prove to be incorrect. On June 10th, 1940, German, Soviet, and their allies’ forces mobilized from the Saarland into Alsace-Lorraine, moving into poorly-defended Metz. From there, the German and Soviet forces moved westward towards Reims, a city with a token defense. After overwhelming the city, leaving it in ruins, the Axis force moved westwards towards their central objective: Paris. Even with British forces arriving from the French port of Calais and Dunkirk across the English Channel, Paris fell to the Axis forces before the British arrived. With the French army and government in shambles, their leaders held hostage by the occupying forces in Paris, Toulouse, and Avignon, the British, too late to be of any assistance, had to return to Dunkirk for evacuation. German and Soviet air forces, based in Paris in the meantime, began to bombard their retreat. The British, along with the remnants of the French military, lost several hundred soldiers and vehicles, but was successful in evacuating. After the installation of Philippe Petain as the leader of a puppet French government, German and Soviet forces under the command of Gerd von Rundstedt and Georgy Zhukov began a strategic redeployment of their assets in Paris to the northern coast of France, establishing several airfields in the area. On June 30th, 1940, the first Axis bombing of Britain took place, bombing several airfields and port facilities in the south of England. An invasion, codenamed Operation Sealion, was proposed by the German general staff, but was vetoed by Soviet authorities, claiming the Royal Navy and Royal Air Force still had air and naval superiority in the English Channel, and that a concentrated air campaign over England would be enough to drive the mighty empire into submission. This was eventually accepted by the Wehrmacht and Luftwaffe, and ground forces in northern France were converted to a purely defensive force. Another Soviet veto of Luftwaffe strategic propositions was a proposed concentration on civilian targets, specifically London. The Soviet air forces demanded that Germany assist them in destroying all British airbases, and then London could be considered. By August, the former goal was achieved: RAF capability to defend the channel was nonexistent; Britain’s only hope being ground-based anti-air forces based throughout England. On August 14th, 1940, the first bombing of London occurred, despite heavy anti-air deployment by the British Army. Within a week, bombing runs had severely damaged the Palace of Westminster and Buckingham Palace, symbols of British national identity. By September, the majority of the city was in ruins, but the British still were able to muster enough anti-air guns and fighters to defend themselves. A stalemate would occur for the next several months. While the war in Britain and France was raging, the German high echelons decided that they trusted the Soviet Union enough to reveal one of the Reich’s most secret projects: the Uranprojekt, a top-secret plan dedicated to the construction of a bomb based on the theoretical blast yield of the nuclear fission of uranium. Stalin himself personally hosted a meeting in Moscow with the top German nuclear scientists Kurt Diebner, Abraham Esau, Walther Gerlach, and Erich Schumann. By June, a joint bomb project was agreed upon, and uranium mines were discovered in the Karelian region in northwestern Russia, which provided a large amount of radioactive material in addition to those controlled by the Germans. Their work would continue in Moscow for several years. The United States and Latin America, 1939-1941 The United States, during the war raging in Europe, was a confused, divided nation on whether to intervene in Europe or not. Many groups, often of leftist leanings, opposed any intervention in the European war, chief among them the Communist Party of the United States of America, led by General Secretary Earl Browder, despite being arrested and imprisoned in 1939 on allegations of being a Soviet spy. Other left-wing organizations, toeing the Moscow line, did the same. However, the opposition was on the polar opposite of the Communists: the Silver Shirts, a Fascist party led by William Dudley Pelley. Formerly a supporter of isolationism and an admirer of Adolf Hitler, Pelley came to demand intervention in Britain’s favor after the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact and the invasions of Poland, Finland, and France. Pelley also demanded friendly relations with the Empire of Japan, saying they were “a superior race worthy of sharing the globe with the United States and the British Empire.” This position was unpopular with the American public, but after the fall of France Silver Shirt popularity shot up, with hundreds upon thousands of new members joining in a fear of the decline of Western civilization. By mid-1940, the invasion of France, Pelley had become a nationally recognized figure, judged to be in importance of a similar stature to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Pelley, an ardent opponent of the New Deal, announced his candidacy in the elections of 1940. Initially, either Roosevelt or his opponent, Wendell Willkie, were forecasted to win the election, as all Presidents since the American Civil War were either Republican, as was Willkie, or Democrat, as was Roosevelt. However, the system dramatically changed when the Communist Party of the United States openly endorsed the Soviet and German invasion of France, giving a significant boost of support to Pelley’s campaign, now with a Vice Presidential candidate of Charles Lindbergh. By August, another Communist endorsement of the destruction of the British Empire caused even more people to flock to the Silver Shirts. Posters released by the Communists showing photographs of the burning Buckingham Palace and the Palace of Westminster only galvanized the American public into thinking the Eurasian Pact of Defense and Cooperation was merely a Communist front to destroy Western civilization as they knew it. By November 1940, Pelley’s campaign was among the largest in the nation, surpassing the Republican campaign by several thousand voters, with only the Democratic campaign posing any threat to the White House. As the nation headed to the polls, Pelley continued his massive advertising in a final push for the Presidency. By the end of the day, the results were announced via radio throughout the country: Pelley had won by a small margin. In one of the most divisive elections in American history, Pelley ascended to the White House in pompous celebration, members of the Silver Shirts lined up in a massive rally in what Pelley deemed a “rebirth of freedom for this nation.” Pelley’s inaugural speech celebrated the contributions of the United States towards the glory that was Western civilization, saying his nation was “the new Rome,” which was by its duty the savior of its kind via the destruction of the influences of Jews, Communists, minorities, and other influences deemed unpatriotic. One of Pelley’s earliest acts as president was to call the Japanese ambassador, Kichisaburo Nomura, in Washington to the White House to propose a treaty of amity and commerce between the two nations, both of which Pelley deemed among the inheritors of the globe. Reversing the policy of the Roosevelt administration, Pelley reached out to the Japanese and ensured that they would always have access to American oil supplies. Nomura happily agreed and relayed the treaty to the Japanese foreign ministry. The ministry relayed it again to Japanese Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, who signed the treaty under the orders of Emperor Hirohito. Japan was given a free hand in China and the Pacific, so long as it did not interfere with American holdings in Hawaii and the Philippines. Despite his anti-Semitic rhetoric, Pelley knew better than to alienate the Jewish population in the United States, and did not force the country into yet another form of segregation, content to leave Jews to their own devices. The reason for this lack of action was due to one Jew in particular, one who had fled Germany in 1933 to escape persecution: the renowned physicist Albert Einstein. Einstein’s theories of relativity provided massive insights into the inner workings of the atom, workings which, Pelley had heard, were already being exploited by the Germans. Leo Szilard, a Hungarian refugee, had informed the United States government in 1939, but was ignored. Pelley heeded his warnings, and began the commencement of the American atomic bomb program in June 1940. Under Pelley, the military-industrial complex of the nation was heightened significantly, with factories going up all across the nation. Oil exploitation was increased within the country substantially and mining as well. The discovery of uranium in Pennsylvania and parts of New England gave them hope; the discovery of an even larger deposit to the north, in Ontario, gave Pelley even more. As Britain was battered by the Eurasian (a term slowly seeping into the public lexicon, replacing the older ‘Axis’) air forces, Pelley offered the British government, led by Neville Chamberlain, a deal: Britain would allow American government agencies to begin extracting uranium from Ontario and also permit the United States cheaper prices on oil and other minerals, and in exchange the US would pass a ‘Lend-Lease Act’ to provide the United Kingdom with arms with which they would defend themselves. Chamberlain, not realizing what else he could do, signed the agreement. American prospectors came flooding over the Canadian border into Ontario. The Pelley administration’s foreign policy in regards to its neighbors in Latin America was one heavily inspired by the administration of Theodore Roosevelt, a man Pelley felt was one of the more qualified presidents the nation had had so far. “Speak softly and carry a big stick” was yet again a motto of American foreign policy, one which Pelley used to justify alliances with questionable regimes, such as Edelmiro Julian Farrell of Argentina (with his vice president Juan Peron), Getulio Vargas of Brazil, and Manuel Avila Camacho of Mexico, the last of which Pelley negotiated a monopoly of the purchase of Mexican oil by the United States. In return, Avila would have United States troops at his disposal should an uprising occur against PRI (Partido de Revolucion Institucional, or Institutional Revolutionary Party, his own party) rule. Pelley found an excuse (one found somewhat justifiable even by his detractors) to intervene in Mexico after the discovery of a German spy ring among Mexican newspapers promoting a pro-Axis viewpoint in the Mexican media. Pelley, understandably, was outraged, and sent a squadron of the American army into Mexico to root out the spies. Since these soldiers were based in Mexico City, the nation’s capital, the Mexican public became gradually outraged as the American army intruded into Mexican newspaper offices and executed suspected spies without trial. The Mexican opposition to American intervention eventually led to a small rebellion within the confines of Mexico City, in which the American base was attacked with Molotov cocktails, the implicit comparison being that Mexico was being subjugated by the United States as Finland was being subjugated by the Soviet Union. The American Army quelled the uprising and forced Avila to sign a defensive treaty with the United States ensuring that Mexico would fight alongside the United States in any war either entered. This downright exploitation of the Mexican state led to one of the major Mexico City newspapers to dub Pelley Avila’s “Hermano Mayor,” or “Big Brother,” in English. Upon hearing the epithet, Pelley found the name a perfect personification of his administration. Posters cropped up in American factories and ports proclaiming the brilliance of Big Brother Pelley’s administration. This moniker was initially mocked by the American newspapers and radio hosts, but such talk soon quieted after their offices were greeted by members of the Silver Legion. Eastern Asia and the Pacific, 1940-1941 After the reception of the treaty with the United States in 1940, Japanese Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe heeded the recommendations of Army Minister Hideki Tojo to expand the war in China by several thousand men and armored vehicles, using oil provided by the United States to mobilize their massive army. The Second Sino-Japanese War had dragged on for years now, and Tojo, Konoe, and Emperor Hirohito were looking for a swift end. Tojo, who had previously backed an alliance with Germany and Italy, now supported the conquest of China by Japan itself, and to avoid antagonizing the Soviet Union. The Japanese, aided by their puppet in Manchukuo (occupied Manchuria), were militarily superior to the ragtag assortment of the alliance of the nationalist Kuomintang, led by Chiang-Kai Shek, and the Chinese Communist Party, led Mao Zedong, who had agreed to put aside their differences to resist the Japanese. With the aid given by the United States, several of the pro-Chinese American volunteer brigades officially renounced their citizenship and adopted Chinese nationality. Pelley declared these forces personas non gratae in their homeland. Battle after battle occurred in the entire country, and the Japanese pushed on while constantly triumphing over the Chinese. A meeting held between Mao and Chiang about their near-constant defeats led to violence between their two factions in the western city of Xining, leading to the collapse of the united front. Severe Chinese infighting occurred in the western regions of the country, allowing the Japanese to have firm control of the eastern part of the country by the beginning of 1941. The Japanese then set their sights on the Dutch East Indies, an act that the United States tacitly endorsed so long as British and American holdings were not touched. The Japanese began a concentrated assault on the Dutch portions of Borneo and Sarawak, keeping careful not to attack British North Borneo or British Malaya. The Netherlands, neutral in the European war, was successfully able to divert most of its resources to the defense of the Dutch East Indies. The Kriegsmarine ordered all German U-boats to avoid Dutch shipping boats. In February 1941, the Japanese government declared that the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere would no longer permit any more undue European influence in the area, but would recognize the holdings of French Indochina, British Malaya, the American Philippines, and the colonial holdings in the Pacific. The Australian and New Zealand governments, both loyal to Britain and committing troops to the war in Europe, expressed relief in the Japanese pronouncement. The Grand Convergence, 1942-1945 By the dawn of 1942, the war in Britain was in a stalemate. Enough American arms were reaching Britain to defend against German and Soviet bombardment, but the Eurasian Alliance had enough men and resources to continue pounding the island and prohibiting an invasion of France; Britain was in too dire straits to consider anything other than defense. Even so, President Pelley never ceased arms shipments, citing a fear of Communist encroachment in the Western Hemisphere. The German Kriegsmarine had several hundred submarines patrolling the English Channel, the North Sea, and the eastern Atlantic Ocean to prevent British evacuation and arms shipments from the Commonwealth. Several ships from the United States were permitted, as Eurasian governments had merely thought the Lend-Lease Act to Britain was a ruse, a simple sign of halfhearted sympathy with their former colonial masters. The Eurasian powers saw the United States as too isolationist in spirit to care whether Britain or the Eurasian alliance would win. They would be sorely mistaken. On February 2, 1942, the U.S.S. Arizona was sent en route to the United Kingdom, bearing weapons shipments and several American military attachés to evaluate the British army. On February 4th, when it was approaching the United Kingdom, it was sunk by a German submarine under the command of Kapitanleutnant Fritz-Julius Lemp, not realizing it bore the flag and insignia of the United States Navy until it was sunken. Lemp then hurriedly reported to Berlin, pleading for an official apology to Washington in hopes of provoking the United States. Hitler made no such apology; he viewed a war with the United States as inevitable, and did nothing to stop it. Pelley was outraged when he found out the Eurasian pact handwaved away American military might, and asked Congress (now controlled mostly by supporters of the Silver Legion) for a declaration of war. The resolution was passed nearly unanimously, with Jeanette Rankin of Montana, a Republican, the sole dissenter (Rankin later died under suspicious circumstances and was replaced by the pro-Silver Legion Jacob Thorkelson). The United States and several Latin American countries, united in a defensive pact with the Pelley administration, declared war on Germany, the Soviet Union, and the other minor members of the Eurasian pact. Several ships began sending American and Latin American soldiers into Britain, whose government had relocated to Edinburgh. By the time Allied forces had reached Edinburgh, most of England was in ruins, with pockmarks of resistance to Eurasian bombing in several areas, most importantly in the city of Colchester, home of a makeshift Royal Air Force base. An American expeditionary force sent from Edinburgh in April 1942 attempted to reach Colchester and reestablish British government control there survived with only a fraction of the original force making it to the city. British forces were also aided by the Anglo-French force formerly based in Kiruna which, having fought its way through Eurasian-allied Norway, had stolen several ships from Narvik and made its way through the North Sea to Scotland. Of the five ships commandeered, three survived constant submarine attacks. Even damaged, the army designed to aid the Finnish and had failed still provided a boon to the defenses of Edinburgh, which was beginning to see the first Eurasian bombers. Throughout 1942 and into 1943, this murky status quo persisted, with England being ever more pelted by Eurasian bombers. The first sign of change, to the detriment of the Allies, was the complete defeat of the Armja Krajowa, a resistance movement in Poland against German and Soviet forces with loyalties to the Polish government-in-exile now based in Edinburgh, fleeing to London after the fall of France, and relocated with the British government. A small cadre of Armja Krajowa soldiers was able to flee in a boat, disguised as a civilian transport ship, from Gdansk and arrived on the east coast of Scotland. Their leader was a Jewish partisan by the name of Emmanuel Goldstein. Upon arrival in Edinburgh, Goldstein immediately demanded to see the British Prime Minister, now Winston Churchill, and the American commander, General George Marshall, with two of his senior staff Dwight D. Eisenhower and George Patton. At a highly secured meeting, Goldstein carried news and photographic evidence of the sheer barbarism of the regimes that made up the Eurasian Alliance: the Final Solution of Nazi Germany. In it, the Jews of Poland were being rounded up and killed in death camps all throughout Poland as part of the racial theories of Adolf Hitler, and undertaken with apathy from the Soviet Union, with German racial scientists basing their methods off of the Soviet gulag for political prisoners. Churchill and Marshall were appalled, at first denying that humans were incapable of such cruelty. However, Goldstein’s abundant photographical evidence, with no apparent tampering, forced them to conclude that such barbarism was indeed occurring. When the evidence of the concentration camps in Poland was released to the public, a massive surge in pro-war sentiment occurred in Britain and the United States. Anti-Semitism became rapidly discredited, and even Pelley, formerly an outspoken anti-Semite, struck all references to Jews being evil from official government and Silver Legion documents, albeit such views were often still held in private. This marked a fundamental change in the character of the Allied war effort; it had now become a war for the very fabric of Western civilization. Goldstein was quickly accepted as a military figure by the Polish government-in-exile, his experience with fighting the Eurasian pact unmatched among the former bureaucrats. By late 1943, he had risen to the position of Polish President-in-exile, and called for the liberation of Europe from Fascist and Communist governments. Goldstein tried to lobby the Allied high command to try to invade France, but it was concluded that the Eurasian forces would be able to resist any current capable offensive, and that England was at the time a more pressing concern. In 1943, British atomic scientists Otto Frisch and Rudolf Peierls approached the American atomic program, currently testing in desolate areas of the American southwest, with new information on the nature of atomic chain reactions. The Americans, already well on their way towards mastering the atom, were ecstatic upon learning of these breakthroughs. By March 1944, the Americans had detonated their first implosion-based device in New Mexico. Pelley and Churchill demanded mass production of these weapons in case of escalation by the Eurasian pact. American scientists responded that they would need at least another year to have a bomb large enough to destroy a city; the two leaders gave them that time. Unbeknownst to the Allies, the Eurasian pact was well on its way to manufacturing its own bombs, having tested some small nuclear devices in Siberia. Kurt Diebner, the head of the project and based in Moscow, reported to the heads of state of the Eurasian pact that a bomb would be ready by early 1945. Hitler and Stalin were both pleased and gave them access to additional war material for their construction. The German Defection, 1945-1947 It was known to many high-ranking leaders in all the nations of the Eurasian pact that, despite being allies against a common foe, Germany and the Soviet Union trusted each other very little. Stalin derided Hitler as a bourgeoisie reactionary; Hitler eventually desired the lands of the Soviet Union for colonization by ethnic Germans. It was only a matter of time before the two powers would come to blows; it was only a question of who would start the war between them. It was obvious to the German high command that Britain, despite her American backers, was not a significant threat to German national security. Knowing this, Hitler proposed the initiation of Operation Barbarossa, a surprise German attack on all Soviet forces stationed in Germany, France, and Poland, with the objective of entirely defeating the Soviet Union. Despite the objections of his generals, the German leadership ultimately approved the resolution. On March 8th, 1945, the Wehrmacht forces stationed in those countries spontaneously attacked the Red Army garrisons. Luftwaffe forces were also ordered to engage Soviet forces in France. Fighting broke out in Alsace-Lorraine, Paris, and various parts of Poland. The Fascist states in Europe were pleased with the possibility of eliminating the Soviet Union, and declared war as well. Despite the shock advantage, the Red Army was both larger and well-equipped, not least due to weapons deals made with Germany before Barbarossa. Soviet Forces proved to best their German opposite numbers, destroyed factories and civilian centers, and began terrorizing the territory of the Reich. Under General Georgy Zhukov, the Red Army garrisons in Poland marched directly to Berlin, causing a mass evacuation of the German leadership to Hamburg. As the Red Army encircled Hamburg, a proposal by Reich foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop became popular among several Reich officials in Hitler’s cabinet: an armistice with the Allies and evacuation to the British Isles. Hitler himself was outraged by the possibility, and Heinrich Himmler was not amused either. However, support came from Chief Architect Albert Speer and Finance Minister Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk. Eventually, as the Red Army came ever closer to dominating Germany, Himmler had a change of heart and backed the pro-evacuation faction, and arranged for Hitler’s death in an “artillery strike” (in reality a planted charge detonated by War Minister Wilhelm Keitel). With Hitler out of the way, Himmler, as acting Fuhrer und Reichskanzler, authorized Ribbentrop to negotiate with the Allies. When Ribbentrop arrived in Edinburgh, the rest of England still mostly wasteland, Churchill was not sure what to make of the proposal, while George Patton, one of the American commanders, eagerly supported it. George Marshall and Dwight D. Eisenhower were similar to Churchill in the regard that the plan was to be considered, as was British commander Bernard Montgomery. Emmanuel Goldstein, President of the Polish government-in-exile, vehemently opposed the possibility, having suffered firsthand in Auschwitz concentration camp. In September of 1945, the Edinburgh-Hamburg deal was signed between Churchill and Ribbentrop, with Goldstein, Patton, Marshall, Eisenhower, and Montgomery in attendance. The treaty offered for the evacuation of German assets to Scotland with the intent of liberating England. Germany would cease submarine operations against American and British shipping, and would also cease the overt government-sponsored treatment of Jews and Poles (as insisted, quite adamantly, by Goldstein). The Wehrmacht, Kriegsmarine, and Luftwaffe would be allowed to operate in British territory and bases with the understanding they would defend Britain. Himmler agreed once given the treaty. By January of 1946, the entirety of the German government and the remnants of the German armed forces, in addition to thousands of civilians, had successfully relocated to Scotland, living in camps around Edinburgh and Glasgow. Massive protests on the part of British soldiers and workers, in addition to those from American soldiers, broke out, calling Churchill a traitor to Western civilization. Churchill is on record as saying that “If Hitler had invaded Hell, I would at least have made a favorable reference to the Devil in the House of Commons.” As the Reich government evacuated from Germany proper, one small portion of the German war effort was effectively captured by the Soviet Union: the joint nuclear program based in Moscow. Kurt Diebner, the project’s head, was forced to submit to the Soviet Union and declared his allegiance to the Worker’s State. As the program had previously yielded workable bombs, it was only a matter of time before this war redefined the very definition of the word. As the Soviet Union came to dominate Germany, they gained access to the island of Peenemunde in the Baltic Sea, one of the most important German weapons development centers in the war. Upon its capture by the Red Army, Chief Reich rocket scientist Wernher von Braun surrendered the island and agreed to cooperate with Eurasian forces. Von Braun allowed the Soviet Union access to Reich rocket programs, designs which were found with great interest by Georgy Zhukov, the Red Army general supervising the extraction of war material from the island. Zhukov proffered the designs to the Soviet high command in Moscow, noting that the rocket designs found on Peenemunde, the V-1 and V-2, would be able to replace the bombers continually bombarding the United Kingdom. Stalin, upon hearing of the rockets’ discovery and extraction, immediately ordered the reassignment of the Red Air Force planes in France to be relocated to Germany as soon as a substantial amount of rockets could be positioned on the English Channel. At the dawn of 1947, a congress of representatives of the Allied nations met in Saint John’s, the Dominion of Newfoundland, to discuss the formalization of the makeshift alliance of nations opposed to the Eurasian pact, or what remained of it after the German initiation of Operation Barbarossa. President Pelley called for a formal declaration of alliance similar to the Eurasian pact signed by Germany and the Soviet Union at the beginning of the war, a sentiment backed by Churchill. Delegates from the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Newfoundland, Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, Cuba, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Panama, Nicaragua, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Bolivia, Chile, Australia, New Zealand, the Dominion of South Africa, the Polish Government-in-Exile, the German Government-in-exile, and the French-government-in-exile discussed the possibility, and by the end of the conference, the Trans-Oceanic Defensive Pact was signed by those nations. The designation ‘Trans-Oceanic’ was created by Australian Prime Minister Robert Menzies, stating that “this pact has dominion over three oceans: the Atlantic, the Indian, and the Pacific. It is the defining characteristic of the combined aspects of these nations. It should be reflected in the name of the pact which cements our lofty goal.” Continental Europe, 1947-1949 After the complete destruction of the German government and military at Hamburg, the Soviet Union became the dominant power in mainland Europe, with the largest army and most developed industry after pillaging Germany. As the Union basked in its triumph, Stalin declared that it was then the time to “liberate Europe from the clutches of the bourgeois Fascists and their lackeys in other countries,” in a nationalistic tone that went against his previous policies of Socialism in One Country. Asked about the discrepancy, Stalin is known to have replied that “the Polish debacle in the 1920s was a defeat for us. Now is a resounding victory and the most opportune time to do so. Let us.” In late January of 1947, the Soviet Union announced the creation of the German, Polish, and French Soviet Socialist Republics as equal parts of the Union. The German communists, persecuted under the Third Reich, were now forced into power in the Republic’s provisional capital in Munich, as Berlin was already rubble, a shell of what once was a metropolis. In France, the communists, backed by the Red Army, overthrew the Petain government and executed Petain himself in public, making their capital in a war-weary but sufficiently intact Paris. In Poland, the absence of government allowed for a relatively quick establishment of a Socialist Republic under Premier Wladyslaw Gomulka. In Czechoslovakia, previously occupied by the Germans, another Soviet Socialist Republic was established with a capital in Prague, under Premier Klement Gottwald. Additionally, an Austrian republic was established in what was the post-Great War Republic of Austria, administered from Vienna. After the consolidation of Soviet gains, the Red Army proceeded to launch invasions of Norway, Denmark, Italy, and the Iberian Peninsula, all Fascist states or those otherwise allied with the Third Reich during its brief existence. Denmark was an easy conquest, the Stauning government yielding to the Soviets much as they did to the Germans. Norway required harassment via captured German submarines now operated by the Red Navy, but was eventually made to submit. Spain and Portugal were subject to a similar navy-based campaign due to the peculiarities of the geography of the Iberian Peninsula. The Pyrenees Mountains were considered nigh-impossible to cross, a commonly expressed sentiment being that Iberia was, in strategic effect, an island. To remedy this, the Red Army used captured German transport planes, previously lying unused in Luftwaffe airstrips abandoned after Barbarossa, to transport Red Army soldiers from Provence in France to Catalonia in Spain, where they met up with Spanish Republicans who had left to support the Soviets once they learned they were en route to the Peninsula. However, the Soviet high command had no intention of mounting yet another bloody siege, be it of Madrid, Barcelona, Lisbon, or Oporto. Instead, Stalin ordered the deployment of the fruits of the Soviet nuclear program to be tested on Madrid and Lisbon. Bombs were transported from Karelia to Provence via the continent’s extensive rail networks and loaded onto bombers specifically designed for the task of ferrying nuclear bombs, massive as they were. On May 18th, 1947, the skies above the Spanish and Portuguese capitals lit brighter than the sun. After the installation of socialist republics in both Spain and Portugal and the division of the former into various Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republics based on the various ethnic groups in the country, with Galicia, Catalonia, Valencia, Navarre, the Basque Country, Andalusia, Aragon, the Balearic Islands, and the Canary Islands each receiving autonomous status within the Spanish republic. The Azores islands were also given autonomous status within the Portuguese republic. Italy was treated in a similar matter. Rather than a direct invasion through the Alps, the Soviet Union dropped another nuclear bomb on the Eternal City, Rome, decimating the city and decapitating the Italian government, as both King Victor Emmanuel III and Prime Minister Benito Mussolini were in the city at its destruction. The Red Army then easily secured the Italian peninsula and annexed it into the Union. It was at this time that Stalin declared that all of Europe would be incorporated into a massive pan-Eurasian socialist state, and issued ultimatums to all the European governments that they would join in this new government or die in the process. Communist guerillas in Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, Yugoslavia, and Hungary decapitated their governments as ordered by Moscow and pledged their allegiance to a new Socialist state. Switzerland refused the possibility of submission to this new government and began reinforcing the borders it had with Germany, Austria, France, and Italy. The Swiss Federal Council refused to permit any form of Soviet entrance into the country, extending said protection to the Principality of Liechtenstein. The Soviet Union did not feel threatened by the Swiss assertion of power; they simply dropped yet another nuclear bomb on Bern, and yet another on Geneva for good measure. Switzerland was then divided and its individual parts incorporated into Germany, France, or Italy, with the Romansh-speaking parts of the country going to Italy. Liechtenstein was given to Germany. Sweden was an easy conquest, conducted with the simple act of relocating Soviet forces in Norway and Finland into Swedish borders. Despite the protestations of the Swedish government, the invasion continued, overwhelming the mostly British-supplied Swedish army. Stockholm was made the capital and its government publicly executed. A similar course of action was implemented in the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg. As the Soviet Union finished with its conquest of the European continent, an assembly of leaders from all the various Socialist Republics in Europe met in Moscow in October of 1947. By November, negotiations had ended and a final plan for European hegemony created. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was no more; its remnants, combined with the rest of Europe, from the Belarusian and Ukrainian border to the coasts of the Atlantic Ocean, English Channel, and North Sea were united into the Socialist State of Eurasia. Despite its lofty new name, Eurasia was in many ways a continuation of the Soviet hierarchy and power structure; there was absolutely no change in the leadership. Stalin still held the title of Premier and General Secretary of the Communist Party of Eurasia. The Nuclear War, 1948-1951 In May 1948, after consolidating its gains, the Soviet Union began to reposition several of its V-1 and V-2 rockets on the coast of the English Channel in France, beginning a near-constant stream of rocket strikes onto England. The British government in Edinburgh pleaded to the United States to begin using its own nuclear weapons program in the war effort, seeing how Eurasia used them to great effect. The United States, still under Pelley, who had been reelected President in 1944 with no competition and looking to have the same happen in 1948, had indeed stockpiled several crude nuclear bombs in various locations in the American Southwest, and finally saw the necessity of using them. Several bombs were transported on Navy ships from Norfolk, Virginia, to Cardiff, Wales, United Kingdom, with the intention of dropping them on Eurasian cities. On June 12th, 1948, an American bomber took off from an Edinburgh airport en route to France, currently under Eurasian control. As the plane flew over Paris, it unloaded its payload: the first nuclear bomb fielded by the Trans-Oceanic Defensive Pact was dropped on the capital of the French Socialist Republic. The bomber, flown by Lieutenant Colonel James Doolittle, was successfully to evade Eurasian anti-air guns to retreat back to Scotland. Doolittle quickly became a hero in the eyes of the various peoples of the Oceanic Pact (a common shorthand form). Stalin was outraged when informed of the Oceanic Pact’s nuclear bomb, and rapidly grew paranoid of the possibility of full-fledged nuclear end of civilization, especially Eurasian civilization (he cared little whether the ‘bourgeois oppressors’ survived or not; in fact, he would have most likely been overjoyed by the possibility). In retaliation, he authorized the nuclear bombing of Colchester, the final bastion of major resistance loyal to and with significant contact with Edinburgh in England. In October, the bomb was ready. Colchester went up in flames. With the atomic bombing of Colchester a massive shock to the British public but not so to the Oceanic high command in Edinburgh, it became necessary to consider the possibility of the usage of nuclear weapons en masse. General Marshall refused to consider the immediate usage of nuclear bombs on Moscow to encourage the possibility of a peace settlement, but authorized the usage of nuclear weapons on other cities in the former Soviet Union to demonstrate the power of the American nuclear weapons program. In accordance with Marshall’s authorization, Doolittle led several other bombers into continental Europe to begin a swift stroke to hopefully push Eurasia to surrender. Kiev, Warsaw, Minsk, Vilnius, Riga, Tallinn, Leningrad, Stalingrad, and Helsinki were targeted, and all were transformed from thriving metropolis to radioactive wasteland. Stalin, not surprised by the measure, but with a country still obviously reeling from the bombings, ordered the transportation of several atomic bombs to the Pacific port of Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky. Once preliminary airfields were established, another wave of Soviet bombers took off, this time to the East. On the morning of September 14th, 1948, the United States, still under the Pelley-Lindbergh administration, and Canada, under Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, woke up to the atomic destruction of the cities of Anchorage, Fairbanks, Juneau, Vancouver, Victoria, Seattle, Spokane, Olympia, Portland, Salem, Fresno, Sacramento, San Diego, San Jose, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Anaheim. The United States and Canada were further galvanized into supporting the war effort, previously criticized by whatever anti-war activists that the Silver Legion had not yet suppressed. In early 1949, a rogue detachment of American troops left Edinburgh against the orders of General Marshall in landing craft and headed towards the English Channel, landing in Normandy, a province in northern France. This small force of a few hundred American soldiers, the majority from the West Coast, specifically cities destroyed in the nuclear blasts and their surrounding areas, had the explicit intention of “marching through Eurasia and hang Uncle Joe himself.” They sustained casualties until reaching the port of Le Havre, where they were killed by Eurasian troops. It was this failed “invasion” by a contingent of discontented Americans who most likely knew their attack would fail proved to the Allies in Edinburgh that the Eurasians were too well dug into France that any sort of invasion would succeed with the current Allied infrastructure. Knowing as such, the Allied high command relocated its efforts towards another, easier to reach goal: London. The de jure capital of the United Kingdom was a city in ruins, albeit not to the extent of the radioactive Colchester. A small community of survivors clung to a bare existence in the wreckage, making their living off of subsistence farming and rummaging through the remains. In early 1950, a combined American, British, Commonwealth, and German force made its way to through the wasteland that was England to London, an area receiving a decreasing number of missile strikes for lack of anything worth destroying. The Allied force sent to reclaim the city found a population in starvation, having resorted to cannibalism of corpses some time in 1947 or 1948 – exact details are hard to extrapolate as the population found by the expeditionary force had regressed to a hunter-gatherer state. As the Wehrmacht detachment was instrumental in surviving the expedition to London, the German government-in-exile received a surge in popularity among the war-weary British population, and among those in other Allied countries; even the American opinion was warming to them. Likewise, the opinion of the Churchill government was declining, as his handling of the reclamation of England relied too much on American and German troops; a famous picture showed the Stars and Stripes and the Reichskriegsflagge flying over the remnants of the Palace of Westminster; the Union Flag was obscured. Public opinion swung towards a more militaristic policy similar to those of the German government-in-exile lead by Fuhrer Heinrich Himmler, and a vote of no confidence in the remnant parliament forced new elections. One candidate promised the return to the glory days of the United Kingdom and the punishment of the Eurasians: Oswald Mosley of the British Union of Fascists. Since the Conservatives were discredited by their handling of the war and Labour complacent, the British Union of Fascists won the election in a massive landslide. At his inaugural ceremony, Mosley promised a “reclaimed England and a punished Eurasia.” Mosley later took a personal trip to the London Reconstruction Zone (as it was called), riding in an armored supply truck and escorted by a solely British contingent, giving him a significant boost in popularity domestically and provided a message to other Oceanic governments that he could be trusted as a reliable Prime Minister. Present at Mosley’s inaugural ceremony were the leaders of a soldier’s fraternity rapidly gaining membership within the British Armed Forces: the British League of Fascist Warriors, a soldier’s arm of the British Union of Fascists. This group was a military arm of the BUF founded during the war to raise morale and support for the policies of the German government-in-exile. After the election of 1950, membership surged. The BLFW was led by three charismatic soldiers: Michael Aaronson, an artillery commander from Yorkshire, England, Stanley Jones, an infantryman from Cardiff, and Maximilian Rutherford, a navy man from Leeds. These men, attracted by the ideals of National Socialism, formed their own portion of the BUF, being both pro-German and pro-American, referring to the American President as “Big Brother Pelley” in public speeches around Scotland and the reclaimed parts of England. However, as the war dragged through 1950 and into 1951, it came to the realization of the Oceanic pact that Eurasia was simply too powerful to launch an invasion anywhere in Europe; France, the Low Countries, Norway, and Iberia were all heavily defended. It was also known it was Stalin’s government would never permit any sort of ceasefire; it was his expressed intent that this war’s intent was to liberate all Europe from bourgeois control; Britain was the final stronghold of the old ways in the continent. Upon coming to this realization, Mosley, in a speech played via film in several Oceanic Pact countries, acknowledged that the Oceanic Pact, despite its vast resources, had not the ability to gain any sort of foothold in continental Europe. Instead, Mosley proposed that the majority of effort be put into rebuilding the British nation and making it able to withstand the constant bombardment from France. This prospect was endorsed by the United States and the German government-in-exile, both of which promised aid to the United Kingdom to rebuild its infrastructure. However, there was one vocal dissenting voice: the Polish government-in-exile under Emmanuel Goldstein saw it as a betrayal to his home country, saying that it was inherently a surrender of his homeland to the claws of the Soviet Union. He would become a pro-war agitator in the years to come.